Lisbon treaty, the Aftermath, is proving to be as plot-filled, divisive and full of contradictions as the events that led to the treaty's rejection.

The cliché that a week is a long time in politics was never more true as the scale of the crisis facing this country begins to dawn. Every day seems to throw up fresh obstacles to a resolution and very few answers to the majority of people who voted "no".

There were two distinct pictures from the European Council meetings last week, and neither was edifying for this country. The first was the uncomfortable nature of the reception for Taoiseach Brian Cowen and foreign minister Micheál Martin. There is no sense of pride or of equality of status in having to put on a brave face to the world while you endure the soothing, sympathetic cluck-clucking of your European colleagues, with their body language screaming patronising pity.

The second was the ghastly sight of MEP Kathy Sinott sitting among far-right British eurosceptics as they expressed their solidarity with "the Irish No vote" by wearing green T-shirts and jester hats. Well done to MEP Avril Doyle for her passion and anger in defence of this country's dignity.

These images may seem part of a side issue, in view of the larger problems now facing the EU as our 26 partners try to push ahead with the treaty – with or without us, it seems. But such images are symbolic of how much Ireland's position has changed as a result of the treaty's rejection. We are embraced by our new friends the fanatics and patronised by our old allies, those who hold the real power in Europe.

President Sarkozy may have sought to make friends with us by finding a common enemy in Peter Mandelson (French farmers are as worried by Mandelson's approach to the World Trade Organisation talks as our own, and are just as powerful a lobby group in France as the IFA is in this country), but the French leader's initial reaction, reported in the satirical Le Canard Enchaîné weekly ("They have been stuffing their faces at Europe's expense for years and now they dump us in the s***") is much more credible than his forced smile. He wanted the Lisbon treaty to be the crowning moment of the French presidency of the EU. We have rained on the Sarko show.

The Taoiseach's plea for a time of reflection has been accepted, albeit through gritted teeth. What information or ideas that period of reflection will throw up is very unclear. It's up to Brian Cowen now to try to come up with a "roadmap" that interprets the conflicting fears on the No side and offers an easily digestible amendment to the treaty – all by October. By then, all the other 26 countries (with the possible exception of the Czech Republic) will have ratified the treaty and they will want to know if we are in or out.

If we are to remain in Europe, there is no other option but to have a second referendum. But can Brian Cowen deliver what few voters want?

It is important that, with all the talk of compromises, protocols, extra commissioners, mini-treaties and addendums to an already over-complicated treaty, politicians learn a huge lesson.

If we want to be at the heart of Europe, we have to stop using Europe both as a sword and a shield. When unpopular decisions are taken (often with very beneficial results – such as fish quotas or expensive anti-pollution or waste disposal regulation), domestic politicians blame "Europe" because they won't confront vested interests themselves.

When Europe legislates creatively and in a popular way, by insisting on consumer protection or greater competition which results in more rights and lower prices, politicians here try to take the credit.

Basic misunderstandings abound about how Europe actually works because, until now, it has suited our own self-interested parochial political system to keep the money coming in and Europe at arm's length. Today, we are reaping the results.